The crisis at the University of San Carlos de Guatemala has sparked a public disagreement between President Bernardo Arévalo and Congressman Samuel Pérez, an ally of the executive branch in Congress. The disagreement centers on the scope of presidential powers in response to allegations related to the election of Walter Mazariegos as rector, as well as on the limits established by the Constitution and university autonomy.
Pérez questioned the president’s decision to await judicial rulings before taking further action. Arévalo responded that the presidency cannot act beyond its authorized powers and argued that the legislator’s statements reveal an “information gap” regarding the executive branch’s authority.
The debate highlights two differing views on how the government should respond to a controversy that remains pending judicial decisions. Both parties question the legitimacy of Mazariegos’s administration, but differ on the type of action the government should take.
Distinctions Concerning Presidential Authority
Samuel Pérez described Arévalo’s position—to limit the Executive Branch’s actions to what the courts determine—as “insufficient”. The congressman argued that the Presidency has avoided using “public authority” to help resolve the university crisis.
His criticism is directed at the government’s failure to intervene more broadly regarding Walter Mazariegos’ continued tenure. Pérez believes that the presidential response does not align with the role that, in his view, the executive branch should assume in light of the conflict.
Arévalo dismissed this claim during La Ronda. The president remarked that there is a limited grasp of the authority the Constitution grants the nation’s leader and emphasized that his administration is obliged to operate within its legal boundaries.
In the president’s view, any action that exceeds those authorities might compromise the autonomy of the USAC. For that reason, the executive branch has upheld its decision to await the courts’ rulings and to request that the appropriate institutions examine the complaints submitted during the rector election process.
The distinction between the two officials ultimately stems from how they interpret the reach of presidential authority, with Pérez urging a more assertive role and Arévalo insisting that the dispute should be settled through the established legal framework.
Arévalo Dismisses Claims of Potential Deals
The president also denied the existence of any hidden agreements related to the election process for university officials. Arévalo stated that these allegations are unfounded and attributed them to a lack of information or to the “bad faith” of those who made them.
The president affirmed that he had pressed judicial authorities, through the Office of the President, to look into reports of potential irregularities and legal breaches that may have taken place during the university’s election process, while also emphasizing that his role must stay strictly within constitutional limits.
This stance entrusts the settlement of the dispute to the institutions tasked with handling legal cases, while for the Executive Branch, honoring these procedures reflects its duty to refrain from directly influencing the university’s internal choices.
Pérez’s position introduces a separate demand, and while the congressman has likewise turned to judicial channels, he maintains that the president’s leadership could exert a broader influence in dealing with the situation at USAC.
Perspectiva presents this exchange as the first public difference of opinion between the executive branch and one of its main legislative allies regarding the university crisis. The disagreement does not concern the assessment of Mazariegos’s administration, but rather the tools that should be used to address it.
Pérez Pursues Legal Action Against Mazariegos
While questioning the president’s actions, Samuel Pérez is pursuing a legal agenda against Walter Mazariegos. Among the actions mentioned are criminal complaints alleging the possible offense of abuse of authority.
The congressman therefore pairs his political critique with the pursuit of legal action, maintaining that the executive branch should continue exercising its permitted avenues of leadership rather than pausing initiatives while judicial decisions are pending.
Arévalo, for his part, maintains that any measure must avoid a potential violation of university autonomy or any action that could be challenged for exceeding presidential authority. His response reaffirms a stance of institutional prudence based on the separation of functions between the executive branch, university authorities, and judicial bodies.
The controversy creates tension in the relationship between the Presidency and one of its allies in Congress. It also reflects a difference of opinion on how state power should be used in the face of an institutional crisis: through more active political intervention, as Pérez proposes, or by respecting judicial processes and constitutional limits, as Arévalo argues.
The situation at USAC is still connected to unresolved investigations and pending rulings, and until those outcomes are determined, the dispute between both sides will continue centering on the boundaries of presidential powers, university autonomy, and the institutional mechanisms available to handle grievances concerning the rector’s election.
